The
extraordinary Lynne Stewart
By
JEFF MACKLER*
Two
incidents serve well to highlight peoples’ attorney Lynne Stewart’s
extraordinary life in the service of humanity.
Charged with “conspiracy to aid and abet
terrorism,” Lynne took the witness stand in early 2005 at the close of her
nine-month frame-up trial presided over by Federal District Court Judge John
Koeltl in New York City. Stewart was asked by her attorney, Michael Tigar, why she had issued a press release on behalf of her
client, the "blind" Sheik and Egyptian cleric, Omar Abdel Rahman,
when she knew that doing so was a violation of a Special Administrative Order
(SAM) that prohibited Rahman from engaging in contact with anyone, anywhere,
other than his attorneys. Rahman had been falsely convicted in 1995 of
participating in a New York City terrorist conspiracy and was serving a
life-sentence in Rochester, Minn.
The
answer to that question, put to Stewart full square, stood at the core of her
case. “Why not just appeal the SAM’s restrictions to a higher court?” Tigar continued.
The
remainder of her life in prison rested on Lynne’s answer. The jury, 12 New
Yorkers, sequestered during a trial in the same courtroom where in 1953 Julius
and Ethel Rosenberg were sentenced to execution at the height of the McCarthy
era, listened more than intently. The stakes were high. The prosecution was
demanding a 30-year jail sentence.
Lynne’s
sensational trial had all the earmarks of a government, in the name of its “war
on terrorism,” preparing to shred whatever semblance of fair play remained in
the criminal “justice” system. To put an attorney in jail for diligently
representing her client was close to unprecedented—“a chill on the bar,”
significant parts of the legal profession proclaimed.
The
obliging Judge Koeltl, undoubtedly aware that government prosecutors aimed to
directly link Lynne to terrorism, by hook or by crook, allowed the horror of
the Sept. 11, 2001, Twin Towers terrorist bombings to enter and pervade his
courtroom. He chose to base his heinous decision on the findings of an FBI
search of Lynne’s law offices, where photos of Osama Bin Laden and other
terrorists around the world were found. The judge disregarded the fact that all
the photos and related files on worldwide terrorist activities belonged to one
of Lynne’s co-defendants, her professional Arabic translator, Mohamed Yousry, whose NYU Ph.D. thesis and associated research on
terrorism had been approved by his faculty adviser.
Lynne’s
attorney, Michael Tigar, objected to the introduction
of this material as hearsay—that is, as having no connection to Lynne or to the
case at hand. In U.S. law the introduction of hearsay “evidence” is virtually
banned. But Tigar’s motion was essentially
circumvented by Koeltl with a deadly twist. He agreed that the material was
hearsay and instructed the jury that it was not to be considered as fact or
having any relation to the charges against Stewart. Yet he nevertheless allowed
its introduction to, as he explained,“enable
the jury to learn about the mind of the defendant.” I will never
forget Koeltl’s vicious and duplicitous words.
His
decision squared with the prosecution’s objective to link Stewart and her two
co-defendants to terrorist activities everywhere. Delighted, the terrorist show
trial was on as prosecutors proceeded to flood the walls of the courtroom,
replete with giant and multiple theater-sized screens, with photos of terrorist
activities—all aimed at associating Lynne with the government’s conception of
an ongoing “worldwide terrorist conspiracy.”
In
the end, some 90 percent or more of Lynne’s nine-month trial focused on this
hearsay evidence, while the prosecution presented just a single witness to
state that he had issued the SAM to Lynne. Not a single witness testified that
Lynne had any connection to any terrorist activities anywhere.
Thus,
Lynne’s answer to the question as to why she didn’t appeal this SAM to a higher
court was crucial to her life itself. She might have argued that the SAM itself
was ambiguous, that in the normal course of events when an attorney violates a
SAM they are reprimanded or punished by being denied contact with their client
for three months, and/or required to sign a new SAM.
I
paraphrase Lynne’s remarks as I remember them in that rapt courtroom. I was
astonished when she stated, "I have a friend in prison, Mumia Abu-Jamal. He filed a lawsuit to prevent his
prosecutors from opening his mail, including from his attorneys.” Lynne
continued, “Mumia Abu-Jamal won that suit but it took
him some five years. My duty to my client required that under such
circumstances, we not wait five years with regard to a harmless press release.”
Here
was Lynne, at her personal, uninhibited, spontaneous best and craziest.
With her life on the line she decided to bring the case of a dear friend and a convicted
world-renowned "cop-killer," Mumia
Abu-Jamal, to the attention of the New York jury. No serious attorney would
have recommended it. But Lynne, cut from another cloth, believed that Mumia’s case needed to be once again brought to public
attention.
Her
remarks were not scripted, not carefully presented to evoke sympathy, not
offered to mitigate her SAM violation, but only to tell the jury, and the
world, who she was—a human being who stood by Mumia
to the end. This single incident tells us precisely what Lynne’s life and
record as a people’s lawyer for the poor and oppressed was all about.
The
final question asked to Lynne by her attorney was the clincher. “Lynne,” said Tigar, “if you had to do it all over again, would you have
issued that press release?” I was within some 15 feet of Lynne and holding my
breath for her answer. Lynne, once again, had a choice, the easy road of
contrition, apology, and a plea for forgiveness, or the road to hell—in Lynne’s
mind to socialist heaven—paved only with Lynne's life-long humanistic and
loving intentions and faith that she could penetrate the hearts and minds of
the jury.
She
responded, as her eyes welled up with tears, “I would hope,” she began and then
paused. “I would hope that I had the courage to do it again.” She paused again,
unable to speak—momentarily overcome by her emotions. She continued, “I would
do it again!”
No
apologies from Lynne Stewart. No legal or self-serving pleas to the jury that
she had a made a mistake and should have taken the SAM to the courts. Lynne's
response evoked the passion of a movement fighter, of a champion of all that is
beautiful in the human soul. Lynne Stewart, for whom the truth was required to
preserve her very being, put it on the line that day, perhaps never stopping to
think of the consequences. Would it be that we all had that courage and
expressed it collectively in the kind of mass struggles that are capable of
bringing this damn racist, sexist, imperialist system down forever. And when we
do this, our martyrs will be resurrected in their full stature.
Needless
to say, Lynne presented her persecutors and the jury with all the “facts” they
needed. She was convicted.
Five
years after her 2005 “terrorist conspiracy” conviction, when I headed Lynne's
defense committee on the West Coast, Lynne was cruelly sentenced to 10 years in
a Texas prison, after vindictive federal prosecutors appealed the Federal Court
judge’s sentence of some 30 months.
After
serving three years in prison, UNAC and all of Lynne’s supporters mounted a
great campaign that won the support of 70,000 social activists across the
country. Lynne, cancer ridden, was finally granted “compassionate release”
following her prison doctors' diagnosis that she had less then
a year to live. Lynne beat the odds and spent almost three years in freedom,
continuing her lifelong commitment to defending all those victims of capitalist
injustice.
Lynne
and I go back some 63 years, to 1954-58 when we were students at Jamaica High
School in Queens, NY. We relished playing the role of silly pranksters when, 50
years later, we sang the Jamaica High School
song together at many a solidarity meeting. There were
always a few Jamaica High alumnae present to help rouse the crowd as we
descended into our joyous and youthful childhood years.
Decades
later, we taught school together in New York City and were union activists in
the late 1960s, when we vehemently opposed the 1968 racist school strike led by
the AFT's reactionary leader, Albert Shanker. This
was yet another critical diving line on the left, where Lynne and her husband,
Ralph Poynter, chose the victims’ side rather than the side of their
“respectable” oppressors, even if they were the union’s “leaders.”
In
those days, young Lynne was often seen unconventionally riding on the back of
Ralph's motorcycle, on her way to this or that protest. A few years
later, she decided to enter the legal profession and was mentored through
Rutgers Law School by some of New York’s best attorneys for the damned.
Lynne
was among Mumia Abu-Jamal's most ardent supporters.
Her court cases included some of the seminal Weatherman contests in the 1970s
as well as an amazing victory on behalf of Larry Davis, who defended
himself against a multiple cop-shooting invasion of his house, when a
number of the shoot-first police were killed. Notwithstanding Davis’s
drug-dealing record, his victory was hailed from the windows and rooftops of
Harlem’s Black community, where wanton police murder of the innocent is the
rule, not the exception. Only the most oppressed can fully understand the
dimensions of the Larry Davis court victory. Lynne did too, a rare exception.
Pilloried
by the corporate media, who mocked her every success in the rigged criminal
“justice” system, Lynne never bent to her accusers’ contempt for
an attorney for those on the other side of the class line, as Lynne
aptly described it, no matter how unpopular her client.
A
few more words about Lynne Stewart help round out her life:
Ralph
Poynter, Lynne’s husband and partner, was a fighter for the oppressed in his
own right. The two were inseparable. Lynne was always surrounded by family and
loved ones, with children from her first marriage, and Ralph’s too, as
well as kids they had together, and grandkids—all filled with admiration for Grandma
Lynne—all the recipient of Lynne's warmth, dedication,
mindfulness and love.
Lynne
was a frequent and always inspiring speaker at the national conferences of the
United National Antiwar Coalition (UNAC), and was elected, in abstentia, to UNAC’s national bodies, as she was to
Pacifica Radio’s WBAI official leadership.
Lynne
was fond of saying, including to The New York Times reporter who interviewed
her at her home a few weeks before her death, that she had no intention of
leaving this earth quietly. Quoting Dylan Thomas, she told The Times, whose
reporter followed the next day with a contemptuous hate piece reflecting his
corporate master’s ire for everything wonderful in Lynne life and struggles,
that she had no intention of “going gently into that good night.”
That
was Lynne's credo, her detractors notwithstanding. Always the poet's words in
mind, Lynne insisted:
“Do
not go gentle into that good night,
Old
age should burn and rage at close of day;
Rage,
rage against the dying of the light.”
And
she did, until her longstanding breast cancer had spread throughout her body,
including her brain. Ralph explained a few days before Lynne’s passing on March
12 that her days were numbered, after two strokes rendered her in a near coma.
But he told me that Lynne was still able to muster a faint smile as I
challenged her to yet another dance in the months ahead and to continue
debating our movement differences on this or that question that often found us
in delightful exchanges over the years.
A
New York City memorial meeting is set for April 22, followed soon after by a
similar meeting with Ralph Poynter and others in the San Francisco Bay Area.
Donations to Lynne’s final family expenses can be sent to:
Lynne
Stewart Organization
1070
Dean St.
Brooklyn,
NY 11216, 1st floor
(Make
checks payable to Lynne Stewart Org.)
*Jeff
Mackler is the past West Coast Coordinator of the Lynne Stewart Defense
Committee, Director of the Northern California-based Mobilization to Free Mumia Abu-Jamal, and an Administrative Committee
member of the United National Antiwar Coalition.